Mahmoud Ahmadinejad
On 24 June 2005 Mahmoud Ahmadi Nejad [mah-MOOD ah-mah-dih-nee-ZHAHD ] was elected as Iran's president. Ahmadinejad swept to the presidential post with a stunning 17,046,441 votes out of a total of 27,536,069 votes cast in the runoff election. His rival and Expediency Council Chairman Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani gained only 9,841,346. A few days before the vote, Rafsanjani said that the race was "very close" but he believed he was "slightly ahead" of Ahmadinejad. When he took office in August 2005, Ahmadinejad became the first non-cleric president to lead Iran in 24 years.
In the Islamic Republic of Iran, political power is vested in the Supreme Guide, a religious personage elected by the Assembly of Experts. The president is the second-highest ranking office and fulfills the roles of head of state and head of the executive branch. Presidential candidates are approved by the Guardian Council and then elected by universal suffrage. According to the Iranian Constitution, adopted in 1979 and amended in 1989, the president nomimates members of the Cabinet or Council of Minister, ambassadors, and governors of the provinces, but the Supreme Guide holds control over foreign policy, the armed forces, nuclear policy, and the main economic policies of the Iranian state. Ayatollah Khamenei took office as Supreme Guide on 4 June 1989.
Ahmadinejad represents a younger generation whose formative experience was the Iran-Iraq War. The Iran-Iraq War began in September 1980 when Iraqi army divisions entered Iran in a three front surprise attack. The war, which lasted 8 years, resulted in an estimated 300,000 Iranian deaths out of a population of about 60 million by the end of the war. A UN Resolution (Security Council Resolution 598) adopted in August 1988 only imposed a ceasefire; no relevant issues were solved. Reports of American involvement with Iraq during the war fueled Iranian anger towards the United States.
During the campaign, Ahmadinejad's backers had portrayed Rafsanjani as the Iranian equivalent of a political hack. The commonly heard sentiment about Ahmadinejad was that he remained a simple man - a backhanded slap at Rafsanjani, who had amassed great personal wealth. Ahmadinejad's populist platform, which included providing a monthly stipend to citizens, won votes from people concerned about economic issues such as unemployment. Ahmadinejad's main campaign advertisement was a film that showed him praying and addressing war veterans in military fatigues.
Ahmadinejad rose from relative political obscurity to go head-to-head with a prominent national figure, former president Rafsanjani. In style and substance, the two men could not be more different. At 70, Rafsanjani was an Islamic cleric, a political veteran, and what might be characterized as moderately progressive (on the Iranian political spectrum). In contrast, Ahmadinejad was 31-years younger, a former Revolutionary Guard, a novice on the national stage, and a hardline conservative much feared by the reformist movement.
Some outside observers had great difficult understanding Ahmadinejad's popularity across the country. They were not able to comprehend his ability to out-poll better-known figures, such as former speaker of parliament Mehdi Karrubi or former national police chief Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf. The other candidates had been nationally visible for years, and had campaigned throughout the country. Ahmadinejad only became nationally visible after he became Tehran's mayor. He did not campaign as extensively as his rivals. Some speculated that electoral interference by the Basij and the Guardians Council was the only explaination of this otherwise inexplicable rise to power. Reports suggested there was evidence of vote rigging by Supreme Guide Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and his supporters.
The Basiijs, or Mobilization Resistance Force - a volunteer paramilitary militia under the Revolutionary Guards - was called upon to vote for Ahmadinejad and get others to do so. Reformists charged that the Basij violated prohibitions against military involvement in politics by mobilizing votes for Ahmadinejad. Although the military was supposed to steer clear of politics in Iran, it had always played some role. However, it had never been as prominent as it was during this election.
President Bush stated that presidential elections in Iran were designed to keep power in the hands of rulers who suppress liberty at home and spread terror abroad. According to a US State Department official, the Iranian election fell very, very short of minimum democratic standards.
Ahmadinejad's Biography
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was born in Garmsar, southeast of Tehran on October 28th, 1956. He is the fourth child of an ironworker who had seven children. Mahmoud and his family migrated to Tehran when he was one-year-old. He received his diploma and was admitted to the University of Science and Technology in the field of civil engineering after he ranked 130th in the nationwide university entrance exams in 1975. He was accepted as an MS student at the same university in 1986 and obtained his doctorate in 1987 in the field of engineering and traffic transportation planning.
Following the 1979 Islamic revolution, he became a member the ultra-conservative faction of the Office for Strengthening Unity [OSU] Between Universities and Theological Seminaries. The OSU was established by Ayatollah Mohammad Beheshti, one of Khomeini’s key collaborators, to organise Islamist students against the rapidly growing Mojahedin-e Khalq (MeK). It was reported that when the idea of storming the American embassy in Tehran was raised by the OSU, Ahmadinejad suggested storming the Soviet embassy at the same time. Reports from hostages at the American embassy alleged Ahmadinejad was among their captors, but he and other captors have denied the allegations.
With the start of the Iraq war in 1980, Ahmadinejad rushed to the western fronts to fight against the enemy and voluntarily joined the special forces of the Islamic Revolution's Guards Corps (IRGC) in 1986. He served in the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps intelligence and security apparatus. Little reliable biographical information is avaliable about Ahmadinejad during these years.
Ahmadinejad was reportedly a senior officer in the Special Brigade of the Revolutionary Guards stationed at Ramazan Garrison near Kermanshah in western Iran. This was the headquarters of the Revolutionary Guards’ "Extra-territorial Operations" -- mounting attacks beyond Iran’s borders. Reports suggested that his work in the Revolutionary Guards was related to suppression of dissidents in Iran and abroad. Sources associated him with atrocities in the notorious Evin prison in Tehran and alleged he personally participated in covert operations around the Iraqi city of Kirkuk.
With the formation of the elite Qods (Jerusalem; literally 'Holy') Force of the IRGC, Ahmadinejad became one of its senior commanders. It was reported that he directed assassinations in the Middle East and Europe, including the assassination of Iranian Kurdish leader Abdorrahman Qassemlou, who was shot dead by senior officers of the Revolutionary Guards in a Vienna flat in July 1989. According to Revolutionary Guard sources, Ahmadinejad was a key planner of the attack. He was also reported to have been involved in planning an attempt on the life of Salman Rushdie.
He served as governor of Maku and Khoy cities in the northwestern West Azarbaijan province for four years in the 1980s and as an advisor to the governor general of the western province of Kurdestan for two years. While serving as the cultural advisor to the Ministry of Culture and Higher Education in 1993, he was appointed governor general of the newly established northwestern province of Ardebil. He was elected as the exemplary governor general for three consecutive years.
In 1997, the newly-installed, moderate Khatami administration removed Ahmadinejad from his post as Ardebil's governor general. Ahmadinejad returned to Elm-o Sanaat University to teach in 1997 and became a member of the scientific board of the Civil Engineering College of the University of Science and Technology. There, he participated in various scientific, cultural, political and social activities. He also worked with Ansar-i Hizbullah (Followers of the Party of God), the violent Islamic vigilante group.
In April 2003 Ahmadinejad was appointed mayor of Tehran by the capital's municipal council, which was dominated by the hard-line Islamic Iran Developers Coalition (Etelaf-i Abadgaran-i Iran-i Islami). In some of Ahmadinejad's public statements, he appeared to identify himself as a Developer.
Ahmadinejad was also a member of the central council of the hard-line Islamic Revolution Devotees' Society (Jamiyat-i Isargaran-i Inqilab-i Islami). The Devotees publicly endorsed another candidate -- Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf -- in 17 June 2005 during the first round of the presidential election. Both the Developers and the Devotees represented the younger generation of Iranians whose political memory, like that of Ahmadinejad, centered around the Revolutionary Guards and the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq War.
As Mayor, he reversed many of the policies adopted by previous moderate and reformist mayors, placing serious religious emphasis on the activites of the cultural centers by turning them into prayer halls during the Islamic holy month of Ramadan. He closed fast-food restaurants and required male city employees to have beards and wear long sleeves. He instituted the separation of elevators for men and women in the municiple offices. He also suggested the burial of the martyrs of the Iran-Iraq war in Tehran's major city squares.
On 26 April 2005 Ahmadinejad said that, in accord with the decision of the city council, the municipality would install a plaque in memory of the victims of Iraqi chemical warfare. "Major crimes have been perpetrated against the Iranian nation, the youth and the war veterans affected by chemical warfare syndrome. We should support the rights of the victims by installing the plaque of remembrance," Ahmadinejad said. "The big powers possess technology to produce chemical weapons and they used the deadly weapons against Iranian soldiers during the Iraqi-imposed war (1980-1988)."
According to sources, Ahmadinejad projected himself as a simple man and reportedly lived a very Spartan lifestyle in a simple apartment flat with his family. He is married with two sons and one daughter.
Religious Views
Ahmadinejad's personal religious views reflected that of Hojjatieh Shi’ism, a radical interpretation of Shi’ism with messianic and apocalyptic overtones that predict a period of universal chaos before the return of the Mahdi, the 12th Imam, who went into occultation or hiding. The Hojjatieh was created in the 1950s to eliminate the Bahai faith from Iran. In 1983, Hojjatieh Shi'ism was banned by Ayatollah Khomeini but was subsequently revived. Analysts put forth the interpretation that Ahmadinejad preceived his personal role to be the divine harbinger of the Mahdi's coming, to pave "the path for the glorious reappearance of Imam Mahdi." Ahmadinejad denied reports that his cabinet members were ordered to write a pact of loyalty with the 12th Imam and cast the pact into the well of Qom where the Imam is believed to reside. Reaffirming his religious views, Ahmadinejad said: "The ultimate promise of all Divine religions will be fulfilled with the emergence of a perfect human being [the 12th Imam], who is heir to all prophets. He will lead the world to justice and absolute peace. Oh mighty Lord, I pray to you to hasten the emergence of your last repository, the promised one."
Marja-e Taqlid (Object of Emulation)
A zealous representative of Hojjatieh Shi’ism is Ayatollah Mohammad Taqi Mesbah-Yazdi of the Haqqani School located in the Iranian city of Qom. The Haqqani school is a school of thought known for advocating clerical control over the government and society. Yazdi also serves as the personal marja-e taqlid or 'object of emulation' for Ahmadinejad. In Shi'ism, lay persons are expected to have a marja-e taqlid. Yazdi issued a fatwa, or Holy Order, in support of Ahmadinejad's 2005 election.
Ayatollah Mesbah-Yazdi was dubbed "Professor Crocodile" in a cartoon by Nikahang Kowsar depicting a crocodile strangling a journalist with its tail. Although Kowsar claimed that no specific person was represented, Yazdi's name rhymes with the Farsi word for crocodile, and Kowsar received a prison sentence.
Ayatollah Mesbah-Yazdi's extreme conservativism exceeded that of even the Supreme Guide Ayatollah Khamenei. He suggested that anyone with a new interpretation of the Qu'ran should be "socked in the mouth," and promoted the continuation of the death penalty and public flogging. He advocated the isolation of Iran from Western influences, and encouraged the faithful to fight against democracy as a 'misleading' idea. In November 2002 in a pre-sermon speech in Tehran, Yazdi maintained that "the prophets of God did not believe in pluralism. They believed that only one idea was right."
Yazdi headed various clerical institutions, and reportedly earned an income through his involvement in government businesses such as the sugar trade. Reports suggested that Yazid is the clerical patron of the military-security faction. He was accused of granting religious sanctions to death squads and supporting the mission of suicide bombers. On the subject of Martyrdom, Yazdi stated, "when protecting Islam and the Muslim ummah (community of believers) depends on martyrdom operations, it not only is allowed, but even is an obligation (wajib)." In December 2006, he was elected as one of 16 representatives of Tehran to the 68 member Council of Experts.
Campaign Promises
Ahmadinejad was perhaps the most conservative of the seven candidates who were permitted to compete in the presidential race. Ahmadinejad resurrected the fervor of the 1979 Islamic Revolution during the campaign by saying Iran "did not have a revolution in order to have democracy, but to have an Islamic government." The Rafsanjani campaign attempted to characterize Ahmadinejad as an extremist intent on rolling back reform. They called Ahmadinejad a fundamentalist who planned to bring back a Taliban-style of governing to Iran.
Ahmadinejad, a hardline conservative and Revolutionary Guard veteran, mounted a surprisingly strong challenge with a populist message aimed at the economically disadvantaged. He promised to strengthen social safety nets, offer subsidized food and housing for the poor, and institute monthly stipends for citizens. Much of Ahmadinejad's support in the first round of voting came from poorer areas such as South Tehran.
Ahmadinejad appeared to have a serious ideological and moral opposition to Israel, and the secular American culture and society. In a 07 June 2005 interview on state television, Ahmadinejad said Iran was the target of a destructive Western cultural onslaught. He claimed the West intended to undermine the self-confidence of Iranian managers and influence the young. To counter this, he said teachers must have greater access to resources.
During the campaign, in mid-June 2005, Ahmadinejad told a news conference he could not foresee improved ties with any country that "seeks hostility" against Iran, a possible reference to the United States. "The US administration cut off ties unilaterally to lay waste to the Islamic republic," he argued. "They want to restore them today for the same reason."
Ahmadinejad, in comments that drew sharp criticism from the Foreign Ministry, accused Iran's nuclear negotiators on 20 June 2005 of being weak and bowing to European pressure at the negotiation table. According to Ahmadinejad, "those who are handling the talks are terrified, and before they even sit down at the negotiating table they retreat 500 kilometers.... A popular and fundamentalist government will quickly change that."
Rafsanjani had been endorsed by Iran's top nuclear officials. Gholamreza Aghazadeh, head of the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran, said that Rafsanjani was the only person who could positively present Iran's position, given his influence, moderate views and political clout. Rafsanjani loyalist Hassan Rowhani, Iran's top nuclear negotiator, said Iran needed a powerful and experienced president to successfully handle the issue - an open reference to Rafsanjani.
Ahmadinejad's campaign issued a statement which described Iran's nuclear program as "a flood which cannot be stopped by a match stick ... It's impossible to stop a nation's scientific progress with a bunch of irrelevant words ... We will hold talks from a rational point of view and if they accept our legitimate right we'll cooperate ... The analysts say no country, no matter how powerful they are, can attack Iran. It would be suicidal for a country to attack Iran... so we must not bend to threats." The statement warned that Iran would not accept protracted negotiations and "the kind of games they have played with Palestinians". Ahmadinejad said that Iran's access to nuclear technology is the fruit of the nation's progress, stressing no one can prevent a nation from progressing.
At the same time, during the run-off election in June 2005, Ahmadinejad stated he would continue dialogue with Europe over Iran's nuclear program. "We will continue the current policies of the Islamic Republic. In principle, dialogue with Europe, Asia, and Africa is within the framework of our foreign policy. And of course, in order to defend the rights of our nation, we will continue the [nuclear] dialogue [with Europe]," Ahmadinejad said. Commenting on the country's foreign policy, Ahmadinejad said Iran is interested in friendly ties with all world states and nations. Tehran is ready to cooperate with any government which has no hostile attitude toward the Iranian nation, he said.
Ahmadinejad had complained of "uncontrolled" cultural policies, and accused organised networks of "propogating decadence." Some supporters anticipated that girls would have to wear the proper hijab, access to improper websites would be blocked, West-struck (gharbzadeh) professors would be banned, and satellite receivers would be eliminated.
On 22 June 2005, Ahmadinejad denied rumors that he would force women to wear the head-to-toe Islamic covering called a chador. He said Iran's main problems are unemployment and housing, not what to wear. "Are hairstyles the real problem [of our youth]? They can cut their hair the way they want," Ahmadinejad said. "It's none of our business. We have to take care of the real problems of the country. The government should put order in the economy and create calm."
Expert Expectations
In practice, the control of foreign policy, nuclear policy, and the main economic policies were already within the power of the 'Supreme Guide' Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Sources speculated that from the beginning, Supreme Guide Ayatollah Khamenei had supported Ahmadinejad because he did not want an equal partner or rival as president. The presidency was the last holdout of Iran's reformists, and the victory of Ahmadinejad granted total control of Iran's state institutions to its hard-liners. Khamenei controlled the Parliament, the judiciary, the army, the radio and television, and now the presidency as well. The conservative political establishment made a decision late in the campaign to support Ahmadinejad. Ahmadinejad, more closely tied to Khamenei than either Rafsanjani or Khatami, was unlikely to challenge the Guardian Council, particularly given the alleged Guardians Council support for his presidential bid.
Ahmadinejad's election strengthened the "theocracy with a democratic face" aspects of the Iranian regime with westernized reformers almost completely marginalized. Ahmadinejad's version of reform called for a focus on Islamic socialism, rejecting both the privileged (and corrupt) Bazaari merchant class and market-oriented westernized technocracy. Expects predicted that Iran might become less willing to do oil and gas deals with foreign companies.
Analysts suggested that the president's background in the Revolutionary Guards and Basiij meant that, once elected, he would support pervasive state control of society and continue the struggle against ideological enemies.
Ahmadinejad said on 18 June 2005 that he was against World Trade Organization membership if it would hurt Iran's economy. Ahmadinejad was not enthusiastic about privatization because it would create unemployment. His win was not expected to be positive for the stock market and the investment community as his rhetoric aggravated investors' worst fears.
Presidental Record
Ahmadinejad and Atomics
In September 2005, in a speech at the UN General Assembly, Ahmadinejad asserted his good faith in supporting the non-proliferation regime and Iran's pursuit of peaceful nuclear technology. At the same time, Ahmadinejad accused the United States of not only proliferating weapons of mass destruction but also a "climate of intimidation and injustice." Despite his peaceful intentions, declared the Iranian president, "if some try to impose their will on the Iranian people... we will reconsider our entire approach to the nuclear issue." In September 2005, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) announced that Iran was in non-compliance with the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), and recommended sanctions. Ahmadinejad threatened to continue the enrichment of uranium if the IAEA continued to pursue sanctions against Iran.
Following his 2005 speech before the United Nations, baztab.com reported that in a conversation with Iranian cleric Ayatollah Javadi Amoli, Ahmadinejad stated that he felt he was surrounded by a ring of light. Reports suggested that a CD containing video of this conversation circulated Iran. In the video, Ahmadinejad reportedly said that an audience member informed him about the light, he felt the light himself, and that for 27-28 minutes, the audience did not blink. FardaNews.com, a convervative website, and other sources accused Ahmadinejad's opponents of distributing the video to discredit him.
In May 2006, the United Nations Security Council passed a resolution that required Iran to terminate all uranium enrichment programs by August 2006. Ahmadinejad continued to resist. In his 20 September 2006 speech to the United Nations General Assembly, Ahmadinejad provided a list of indictments against the United States and accused the Security Council of lacking both legitimacy and effectiveness.
Iran's non-compliance prompted the Security Council pass Resolution 1737 in December 2006 to impose sanctions on nuclear material and technology entering Iran. The sanctions also froze the assets and restricted travel for personnel involved in Iran's nuclear proliferation activities. Iran was given 60 days to come to the negotiating table. Continued Iranian non-compliance brought about a unanimous vote for Security Council Resolution 1747 in March 2007 that added to previous sanctions including an import/export ban on arms and a restriction on all international funds to Iran except development and humanitarian aid.
In response the United Nations sanctions, Ahmadinejad announced to the West, "I want you to know that the Iranian nation has humiliated you many times, and it will humiliate you in the future."
As of June 2007, attempts at negotiations with Iran remained at an impasse.
Political Rhetoric
As president, Ahmadinejad took a more confrontational approach to the United States, to Sunni Arab neighbors, to Afghanistan, and certainly toward Israel. Ahmadinejad's supporters said he "will punch in the mouth" all those who advocate relations with the United States. On 20 January 2006, Ahmadinejad in Damascus described the movement against American hegemony:
United States and Israel " ... bear no weight in the vastness of the universe. They are furthermore, rootless, although they have exerted their hegemony in certain parts of the world today, and have certain claims.A global front against oppression and hegemony is now taking shape and all noble nations, justice seekers, and thoughtful individuals are gradually putting hand in hand to shape up a vast front agaisnt the hegemonic system and mentality."
On 26 October 2005, Ahmadinejad spoke at a conference in Tehran called "World Without Zionism" where he painted a vision of the epic battle between Islam and the "World of Ignorance," a West led by Israel and the Zionist movement. The Islamic distinction between Dar al-Islam, which means 'Territory of Peace,' and Dar al-Harb, which means 'Territory of War' or 'Chao,' is a political and legal one; Dar al-Islam refers to territory governed by Islamic law and Dar al-Harb to territory that is not. In contrast, the "World of Ignorance" refers to a place untouched by the illumination brought by the Prophet Muhammad.
Following the conference, Ahmadinejad was quoted to have said that Israel should be "wiped off the map." Observers pointed out that Ahmadinejad never said these words. In Farsi, his words were, "Imam ghoft een rezhim-e ishghalgar-e qods bayad az safheh-ye ruzgar mahv shavad." Translated, Ahmadinejad was expressing his support of Imam Khomeini's statement that "this regime that is occupying Qods [Jerusalem] must be eliminated from the pages of history."
Though the accuracy of his exact words as reported by Western media may have been in question, his speech inspired thousands of Iranian to stage an anti-Israel protest on 28 October 2005. The protesters chanted "Death to Israel, death to America" while they trampled and burned Israeli and American flags. International condemnation followed. Ahmadinejad stood by his rhetoric and reportedly responded that the Western nations "are free to talk, but their words have no validity."
On 08 December 2005, Ahmadinejad gave a speech at the summit of Muslim nations to again condemn the existence of Israel. On 13 December 2005, Ahmadinejad aroused immediate condemnation from Israel, Germany, and the European Union when in the Iranian city of Zahedan, he accused the West of inviting the "myth of the Holocaust." Further Ahmadinejad asserted: "Some European countries insist on saying that Hitler killed millions of innocent Jews in furnaces. And they insist so strongly on this issue that anyone who denies it is condemned and sent to prison...Although we don't accept this claim, if we suppose it is true, our question for the Euorpeans is: is the killing of innocent Jewish people by Hitler the reason for their support to the occupier of Jerusalem? They faced injustice in Europe so why do the repercussions fall on the Palestinians?...it will be good if you give a piece of your own soil, a piece of soil in Europe, the United States, Canada, or Alaska to them [Jews] so that they can create a country for themselves."
On the anniversary of the 1979 Islamic revolution in Iran, Ahmadinejad on 11 February 2006, reportedly expressed these sentiments to demonstrators: "... a handful of Zionists in Palestine" were responsible for the insulting cartoons of Islam’s prophet Mohammad appearing in European dailies. "If you are looking for the real Holocaust, go to Palestine and take a look at the crimes of Israel there, or you can also find the real Holocaust in Iraq," he said. He called on European governments to free themselves from "the yoke of Zionism" and "believe that Zionism is on the verge of destruction ... The Iranian nation is today chanting the death of Israel." The Iranian president called Western leaders said "... a bunch of proxy dictators and sergeant majors of Zionists." He warned them to "pack up the stuff that you unfurled 60 years ago and save yourselves from the wrath of nations ... If you don’t listen to this advice, then the Palestinian people and other nations will force you to submit to their wishes."
On 3 July 2007, it was reported that Ahmadinejad launched an 24-hour English television channel to redress the Western bias of world news.
Letters to America
On 29 November 2006, Ahmadinejad released to UN reporters an open letter to the American people addressed to "Noble Americans" and attacked the US administration's foreign policy against Iraq and Palestine as "illegal and immoral" towards the global community and American citizens alike. Further, Ahmadinejad urged the winners of the 2006 US midterm elections to act with truth and justice rather than coercion and force to "remedy some of the past afflictions and alleviate some of the global resentment and hatred of America." This letter echoed an 18-page letter sent to Mr. Bush in May 2006 to which Bush did not reply.
Reactions from the United States State Department dismissed the letter as a public relations gesture, and emphasized the importance of the Iranian leader's actions rather than his words. Other commentators applauded Ahmadinejad's condemnation of US Foreign Policy as the words of a fair and reasonable man, and that perhaps US rhetoric of his extremism slandered Ahmadinejad unjustly.
A third view, voiced by less mainstream commentators, was that Ahmadinejad's letter served as a da'awah, which means 'summons' or an invitation to non-Muslims to submit to Islam. The da'awah is a Muslim obligation that should be fulfilled before war could be waged justly. Ahmadinejad's letters could have been a fulfillment of this obligation.
Commentators such as Amir Taheri of the Jerusalem Post noted that the tradition of writing letters reached back to the Prophet Muhammad who wrote to regional heads of state to invite them to submit to Islam. Recipients of the Prophet Muhammad's invitations included Khosrow Parviz (Chosroes II) of Persian, Emperor Heraclius of Byzantium, Muqawqis of Egypt, al-Mundhir bin Sawa, and Negus of Ethiopia. According to Islamic tradition, the letter to the Persian king was received and angrily torn up by Khosrow's son who had deposed his father, and the subsequent fall of Persian Empire was attributed to this rejection. It was recorded that all the letters resembled each other (Sahih Bukhari's, Volume 1, Book 1-6):
In the name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful. This letter is from Muhammad the slave of Allah and his Apostle to ----.Peace be upon him who follows the right path. Furthermore, I invite you to Islam and if you become a Muslim you will be safe, and Allah will double your reward, and if you reject this invitation of Islam you will be committing a sin by misguiding your subjects. And I recite to you Allah's statement: "O People of the Scriptures! Come to a word common to you and us that we worship none but Allah and that we associate nothing in worship with Him, and that none of us shall take others as Lords beside Allah. Then if they turn away, say: Bear witness that we are Muslims (those who have surrendered to Allah). (Qur’an: Surah 3, Ayah 64)."
Ali Ibn Abi-Talib, the fourth Caliph, used letters to fulfill to Islamic duties: tahzir (warning) addressed to Muslims and da'awah (invitation) addressed to non-Muslims. Ali holds a prominent place in Shi'ism as the son-in-law and true heir of the Prophet Muhammad. Muhammad Ibn Hassan, the 12th Imam or 'Hidden Imam' whose return from occultation is prophesized, also used letters to communicate to his followers.
In 1987, Ayatollah Khomeini wrote a letter to Mikhail Gorbachev in response to a letter from Gorbachev to Khomeini seeking a partnership to defeat the Muhjahedin in Afghanistan. Modelled on Muhammad's letters, Khomeini informed Gorbachev that "your main problem is the lack of true belief in God" and invited Gorbachev to submit to Islam. Gorbachev declined. Mr. Taheri and others drew parallels between Ahmadinejad's letters and those of Prophet Muhammad and Ayatollah Khomeini, and maintained that these letters reflected the ideological dichotomy that pervades Ahmadinejad's political mission, a mission that seeks to overturn the international system.
A difference, however, between the Ahmadinejad's letters and those of his predecessors is that rather than a letter inviting America to submit to Islam, Ahmadinejad addressed the political soul of America and asked of Americans, "Is there not a better approach to governance?"
Regional Policies
Ahmadinejad said in an 08 June 2005 interview on state broadcasting that he favored relations with all other countries on the basis of respect. He said relations with immediate neighbors were the most important, followed by countries that were once part of the Persian Empire. Then came Muslim states, and last but not least, states that are not hostile to Iran. Turning to the United Nations, Ahmadinejad said its structure is "one-sided, stacked against the world of Islam."
Ahmadinejad fervently supports the independence of Palestine, and at the Third Annual Qods Conference supporting the rights of the Palestinian people in April 2006, he gave a speech characterizing the Zionist threat to the region and to Islam as "unending and unrestrained." Ahmadinejad's support of Palestine echoed the words of Imam Khomeini on the topic.
Ahmadinejad, speaking in Damascus on 20 January 2006, also reportedly questioned the sincerity of the western countries in their claims to support freedom. He suggested that Western countries open their borders to the Jewish population to demonstrate their sincerity. He wondered if they had allowed the immigrants who have entered Palestine from all over the world to immigrate to Europe or the US, would there be the Zionist problem today: "Would you open the doors of your own countries to these immigrants in a way that they could travel to any part of Europe they choose? Would you offer necessary guarantees that you would provide their security when they come to your countries and not set up another anti-semitic wave in Europe?"
The Supreme Guide Ali Khamenei highlighted the importance of the struggle in Palestine:
"The Palestinian problem is the most important problem of the Muslim world. There is nothing above this problem in the Muslim world because the domination and the occupation of the Palestinian land and that of the Qods [Jerusalem], in this part of the body of the Muslim nation, is the source of many weaknesses and problems in the Muslim world... the struggle began by the Palestinian nation is not a struggle of an army against another army so that we might compare their abilities. The struggle is comprised of the lives of those who are not afraid of death."
Ahmadinejad reached out to neighboring countries with a rhetoric of peace, cooperation and regional security. He used platforms like the 9th Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) summit held in Baku, Azerbaijan on 4 May 2006, and official state visits such as the January 2006 visit to Syria, to reach out to countries like Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Pakistan, Turkey, Kazakhstan, Oman, and the UAE.
On 13 June 2007, the US Defense Department linked shipments of weapons received by the Taliban insurgency in Afghanistan to Iranian sources. Officials stated it was unlikely that Tehran remained ignorant of the shipments.
Social Policies
Upon entering office, Ahmadinejad removed many "moderates" in the Foreign Ministry and other institutions populated by supporters of outgoing President Khatami, along with a further crackdown on the media and intellectuals.
Domestically, Ahmadinejad's administration cracked down on dissenters with methods ranging from harassment to arrest and interrogations. Crackdowns that started in the spring of 2007 were characterized as the worst in two decades. In April 2007, authorities started a mass confiscation of satellite dishes. Police patrolled the streets to crack down on "bad hejabi" or improper dress among both men and women, and by the end of April 2007, had stopped or detained 150,000 cases. In June 2007, the Supreme National Security Council released to the media a three page list of forbidden topics. Banned topics include disagreements between Shi'ites and Sunnies, ethnic unrest within Iran, and uneasy relations between Iran and other Muslim countries.
It was reported that in March 2007, 30 women's rights advocates were arrested and sentenced to prison terms. Eight students from Tehran's Amir Kabir University reportedly disappeared into Evin Prison. The March 2007 Teacher's Union protest in search of higher wages resulted in hundreds of arrests. Three Iranian-Americans were also detained in Evin Prison: Haleh Esfandiari, Kian Tajbakhsh, and Kali Shakeri. A fourth, Parnez Azima, was barred from leaving the country.
Economic Policies
An open letter from 57 economists to a newspaper in June 2007 criticized Ahmadinejad's economic policies, which, the letter claimed, fueled unsustainable inflation and squandered the country's oil profits. The letter signaled growing discontentment that Ahmadinejad's election promises of oil-fueled prosperity had gone unfulfilled. As of mid-2007, Ahmadinejad's campaign promise of increased social safety nets and monthly stipends remained a promise. As of May 2007, unofficial inflation in Iran was estimated at 20-30% (officially estimated to be 15.8% in 2006) annually while government policies capped interest rates at 12%. Despite being the 4th largest oil producer, Iran must import gasoline as it does not possess the capabilities to refine crude oil. Iran suffers from a balance of payment deficit, and critics accused Ahmadinejad of depleting Iran's foreign reserves on extravagant political projects. Reformist Iranian parliamentarians have opposed him on these issues.
On 22 May 2006, the government raised the price of gasoline by 25% from its previous government subsidized low of 1000 rials (11 US cents) per liter. On 27 June 2007, violence erupted in 9 areas of Tehran as angry youths protested news that the government had imposed fuel rations overnight. The rations were effective immediately. The rations placed a restriction of 100 liters per month for each private vehicle for a period of 4 months with a possible extension to 6 months. Sources reported that the angry youths destroyed property and called for the death of Ahmadinejad. 19 Tehran gas stations were reportedly affected in the riots, and more than 80 were detained in relation to the incident. It was reported that the fuel rations were imposed in response to US statements that Iran's gasoline import was an issue of 'leverage.'
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